That is why, the statistics about a number of newspapers, new TV channels and closing of the old ones (everyone knows who possesses the TV channels though they pretend not to know) or radio stations does not have any certain meaning. Figures are still figures, but the reality is another matter. Just one example, quite recently (at the end of 2003), under the CoE pressing Milli Majlis (the Azerbaijani parliament) adopted a law “On Public TV”. The law, besides other things, states that “the official information should be broadcasted promptly and without censoring”. It can also be added that a bill “On freedom of information” which must help journalists in getting information from the governing bodies without delay has also been proposed at Milli Majlis. But…according to the same law “On Public TV”, the Competitive committee organized by an appropriate body of the executive authority has appointed members of the Public TV Council managing board. The round circled: “public” turned into “dependent on political power”; in reality, there was no “public” TV as there is not any either.
The third bitter truth: restricted self-regulation.
We should admit that now in Azerbaijan there is neither printing nor e-edition which broadcasts complete and balanced information on events taking place, if it is not anybody’s megaphone which is letting the society estimate any events itself. But there is no media with different forms of direct or hidden political pressure neutralized to that extent to function as “a public’s controller”.
The activity of the recently established Public Council on press is still ineffective even because the majority of newspapers and magazines of different profiles published in Azerbaijan are completely dependent on political power. How can the Azerbaijani society influence newspapers and magazines if they are funded by the state budget and state organizations are obliged to subscribe to them? Concerning the bodies of opposition political parties, they are engaged in activity of the appropriate political powers, we can hardly expect balanced information from them either. The real Public TV and alternative TV and radio channels could balance interrelationships among the Azerbaijani media and political powers and the society. But all this is still of dreams.
The fourth bitter truth: poverty and/or restricted self-financing.
From a financial point of view, the period since the end of 1980s to the beginning of 1990s was the most favorable for the Azerbaijani mass media. Then there was neither real advertisement market created, nor rich political parties, nor well-to-do businessmen in the country.
But the newspapers could live only for sale, they even gained some profits. People were not tired of reading the press; they liked to read what it was prohibited to write about before. Everyone was in raptures of freedom of speech like they were not earlier. Newspapers publishing became a profitable business.
The situation has started to change since 1993. First they claimed an emergency state, introduced military and political censorship. Then, in 1994-95 a paper crisis and chronic problems with the printing houses took place. Paper costs jumped in 4-5 times, there were no alternative printing houses, they had to apply to the only functioning state (government’s) printing house, and it is, as a monopoly, set “wild prices”. To publish independent newspapers became a very hard job which demanded overcoming numerous obstacles.
Independent newspapers which tried the taste of freedom and just started gaining a real professionalism immediately stated bankrupt. Some publishers headed to the powers’ halls in search for the way out, others feverishly started looking for rich sponsors who needed on private purposes a short-term newspaper; the thirds just changed their profession. The very short period of “free-independent-democratic” press in Azerbaijan ended. The same period ended and for those less or more independent e-media; sooner or later such TV channels as BMTİ, SARA and ÀÂÀ were closed.
Since the middle of 1990s the Azerbaijani media has started to lose its economic independence day by day. Later, before the presidential elections of 1998, the situation as if outwardly changed. The newspapers did not have “white spots” as they had had before when censors took off some materials, there were less open obstacles in newspapers distribution and sale and till 2000 the registration process for new newspapers became easier. But, alas! Other, keener methods to influence the media appeared instead. Officials and other powerful persons just swamped courts with numerous suits against the newspapers accusing them in libel, and the courts, as a rule, started to impose inconceivable fines upon the editions. The printing houses which dared publishing independent newspapers were closed under any pretexts. Journalists started to be haunted, facts of forced actions were more often observed, the whole circulations of newspapers were arrested, and the newspaper editors were accused of political activity and were arrested upon faked accusations…And again a method already tried was applied: first, the debts of the independent newspapers were frozen, they were not forced to pay large penalties up to court decrees, they made a decision to give the Azerbaijani media lax credits. The previous president of Azerbaijan even called these measures “the policy of freezing and warmed relationships with the media” during his “sincere” talk with journalists. And what is the result? The most optimistic specialists on media management when asked: “What is the way out from the present situation?”- just bitterly smile.
The fifth bitter truth: incompetence and/or secluded character.
Whatever the external circumstances are, the issue on professionalism in all the cases is immanent, and it is always up to internal aspirations. This can be fully related with the Azerbaijani journalists, though they can give a lot of reasons to justify themselves in non professionalism. But what is non professionalism of the journalists’ corps? Let’s say, the majority of informational programs do not give their sources of information. What is up to anonymous sources of information, the Azerbaijani journalism as if do not admit any juridical and moral aspects in the matters when and in what extent they can use the same sources. The requirements of a balanced journalism are not observed either; in many cases “balance” is created for a formal excuse like this “we could not receive an opinion from the other side”. Often we may feel the Azerbaijani journalism can not overcome the settings of the Soviet totalitarian system. It is the most surprising because the Azerbaijani journalism in its majority is quite young but some of these “young” (especially the journalists of e-media) seem direct heirs of the pity known Soviet prosecutor Vishinskiy. They easily operate with such notions as “a spy”, “an enemy”, as if putting on a gown of “state prosecutors”. At the same time the right of an opponent to express his/her own opinion is not regarded at all.
A lot of trainings and seminars for mass media representatives are conducted in Azerbaijan nowadays (for example, the courses for journalists of the German Technical Society GTZ are of great popularity), but this is not realized in practice of everyday journalists’ activity.
And after the five bitter truths, one delusive hope: the problems of the Azerbaijani media are still on the agenda.
Despite deplorable state of the current Azerbaijani mass media, hopes for the better do still exist. It is mass media that calls for honest, fair and free elections; it is mass media that focuses on country’s obligations to the EU; and, finally, it is mass media of Azerbaijan that keeps on believing in the possibility of democracy in the country.
Media problems in Azerbaijan are on the focus of a public struggle. Some powers are trying to keep the media under their control; others are trying to have the media serving the public interests. What will be in result of this public confrontation is to be shown in future, but, certainly, the democracy in Azerbaijan depends upon it.
Short information: The last version of the law “On mass media” was adopted on 30 April, 2002. The new version of the law “On free access to information” was adopted on October, 2005 (the old one was adopted in June, 1998). The law “On TV and Radio” was adopted on 26 June, 2002. The law “On Public TV” was adopted in January, 2005. According to the Press Council, there are about 200 periodicals (2500 not regular) in Azerbaijan. Among them 50 newspapers are published daily or several times a week. 12 news agencies are functioning in the country. There are nearly 30 thousand people with the IDs of journalists collaborating for the mass media while not more than 2500 people are real journalists.
According to the National Council on TV and Radio, there are 6 the whole republic’s (4 are private, 1 is public and 1 is a state company of shareholders) and 13 regional TV Companies in Azerbaijan. 7 private radio stations are broadcasting (practically all the stations are music-entertaining, however some of them are covering the elections in a wide way for foreign grants) in the country.

Zeynal Mammadli